Tanana (also called Lower Tanana) is spoken along the Tanana River and is partly intelligible with Kolchan. The linguistic chapters in this volume focus on syntax and semantics, but also involve morphology, phonology, and historical linguistics. Dené (Athabaskan) Languages Conference University of California, Davis ... and "The Language of Music, Dance, and Performance," which will feature papers related to manifestations of spoken language in various genres of performance. A different classification by Jeff Leer is the following, usually called the “Leer classification” (Tuttle & Hargus 2004:72–74): Neither subgrouping has found any significant support among other Athabaskanists. “Relatively intense contact with the Russians left over 300 Russian loanwords in Tanaina (by far the largest number for any Athapaskan language.)’. Children still speak the language and there has been a Native language program in the schools since 1972. The ambiguity surrounding Tsetsaut is why it is placed in its own subgroup in the Rice–Goddard–Mithun classification. Because both Tlingit and Eyak are fairly remote from the Athabaskan languages in terms of their sound systems, comparison is usually done between them and the reconstructed Proto-Athabaskan language. Although the term Athabascan, from a Cree word meaning ““[where] there are reeds one after another” (the Cree name for Lake Athabasca) is prevalent in linguistics and anthropology, there is increasing use of the terms Dene and Dene languages as a self-designation and to refer to the entire language family. There is very little descriptive material available about this language. Tanaina is presently considered moribund as very few children speak it. Due to the failure of the usual criteria of shared innovation and systematic phonetic correspondences to provide well-defined subgroupings, the Athabaskan family – especially the Northern group – has been called a “cohesive complex” by Michael Krauss (1973, 1982). With regard to Upper Tanana, Michael Krauss and Victor Golla report: “Because of the relative isolation of the area, at least until the construction of the Alaska Highway in 1943, children continued to learn the language until the 1960s.”. What counts is the present, the here and now, the dynamic present.”. With Jeff Leer’s 2010 advances, the reconstructions of Na-Dene (or Athabascan–Eyak–Tlingit) consonants, this latter grouping is considered by Alaskan linguists to be a well-demonstrated family. Koyukon is the largest Athabaskan speech community entirely within Alaska. In 1980, the language was still spoken by children and is considered a viable language. Included is a discussion of whether religion and secular issues can be separated in Navajo classrooms. For detailed lists including languages, dialects, and subdialects, see the respective articles on the three major groups: Northern Athabaskan, Pacific Coast Athabaskan, Southern Athabaskan. The Navajo language may incorporate Spanish and English nouns and adjectives, but many loan words are not a part of the vocabulary of speakers in general.”. The divergence of the Athabaskan languages on the Northwest Coast probably began during the last glaciation. The Kwalhioqua–Clatskanie language is debatably part of the Pacific Coast subgroup, but has marginally more in common with the Northern Athabaskan languages than it does with the Pacific Coast languages (Leer 2005). Michael Krauss and Victor Golla, in their entry on the Northern Athapaskan languages in the Handbook of North American Indians, report: “Whenever it occurred, the linguistic split between Proto-Athapaskan and Proto-Eyak was apparently followed by a total cessation of communication between the two groups, for there is no evidence of subsequent linguistic interinfluence.”. See more. The linguistic chapters in this volume focus on syntax and semantics, but also involve morphology, phonology, and historical linguistics. Oxford Studies in Anthropological Linguistics, Wird in 8 Büchern von 1997 bis 2005 erwähnt, Wird in 23 Büchern von 1968 bis 2007 erwähnt. The Oregon Coast sub-family includes: Upper Umpqua, Tututni, Galice-Applegate, Chetco, and Tolowa. The Plateau sub-family includes only one language: Nicola. The position of Kwalhioqua–Clatskanai is also debated, since it may fall in either the Pacific Coast group – if that exists – or into the Northern group. Hoopa diverged from the other Pacific Coast Athabaskan languages about 900-1,200 years ago. As Tuttle and Hargus put it, “we do not consider the points of difference between the two models … to be decisively settled and in fact expect them to be debated for some time to come.” (Tuttle & Hargus 2004:74). The Nicola language is considered extinct. These general categories are signified by the verb stem. We must have accurate and complete results. The linguistic evidence suggests that the Oregon coastal Athabascan-speakers did not enter the area until about 700 to 1,000 years ago. Since the 1980s, Upper Tanana has been rapidly replaced by English and is becoming moribund. Reflecting an ancient migration of peoples, they are spoken by Native Americans in the American Southwest and the northwestern part of Mexico. Perspectives on a Native American Language Family, 1 The Semantics of Classification in Koyukon Athabaskan, 2 A Semantic Basis for Navajo Syntactic Typology, 4 Negative Polarity Expressions in Navajo, 6 The NegativeIrrealis Category in AthabaskanEyakTlingit, 7 On a Bipartite Model of the Athabaskan Verb, 10 Iconicity and Word Order in Koyukon Athabaskan, 11 Navajo as a Discourse Configurational Language, 12 The Function and Signification of Certain Navajo Particles, 13 Sacred and Secular Issues in Navajo Education, 8 Monadic Verbs and Argument Structure in Ahtna Slave and Navajo, The Athabaskan Languages: Perspectives on a Native American Language Family.

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